Since the rise of the industrial revolution and the prosperity of capitalist economy, some scholars began to study economics. Soon researchers discovered that economics is actually politics. Every branch and every point is an extension of politics, so it is called political economy. Economics is ever-changing, but in fact it is still politics. It talks about how to produce and how to exploit. There is a positive meaning of economics. How to exploit it is included in it is something that the regime needs to really care about. The world is not worried about few and uneven. Production is important, and suppressing the intensity of exploitation is even more important for the regime to live and die.

The rulers should dig out every link in economics, and see clearly where they are talking about production, and where they are talking about exploitation, and what have nothing to do with these two. Suppressing the intensity of exploitation is not the redistribution of social wealth, but the redistribution is what happens after exploitation occurs. Confusing the two is concealing exploitation. It is useless to cover up the exploitation. The poor are becoming more and more difficult and will eventually cause chaos. To reconcile social contradictions and move forward better, the intensity of exploitation must be controlled. Economics has a certain degree of independence when talking about production, and when talking about distribution, it is all about politics, so it can only and must use political means to alleviate the intensity of exploitation. By this time it is no longer economic, and economic means cannot solve the problem. Keeping politics away from the economy is a manifestation of the taming of the regime by the exploiting class. The further away it is, the weaker the independent personality of the regime.

Why must exploitation be controlled? Because the beginning of exploitation is to seize the surplus, products that have nothing to do with survival and production. As exploitation, social wealth is concentrated on the exploiters, the power becomes stronger and stronger, and the intensity becomes higher and higher, and will eventually extend to survival and production materials. This leads to the stagnation of social development, the difficulty of survival at the bottom, and the difficulty of the entire society to be in harmony.

Don’t think that the exploiters will use the money they have accumulated to develop production after they get rich without work. That is an abnormality, not a normal state. For example, in the late dynasty based on agriculture, class contradictions cannot be alleviated. What appears is not the landlords actively use the accumulated wealth to develop production, but the use of various natural disasters and man-made disasters to replenish usury. If the usury is not satisfied, then it will transform towards slavery that directly takes away everything of the exploited, including your body, life, family, and even descendants, moral honor and disgrace. The bourgeoisie will not be much noble, but will also return to usury and slavery.

The gathering of wealth cannot spontaneously develop production, but requires guidance. This is the responsibility of the regime. Reform is fundamentally to alleviate contradictions, develop production at the same time, and break the bottleneck it faces.

What Xu Ping said was not a deviant way. In fact, for the past one or two thousand years, when facing fierce social conflicts, the measures taken by the regime in order to save itself were suppressing annexation and equalizing the wealth. Historical books say that this is the limitation of the ruling class, and it can only be used to compromise to survive. However, Xu Ping was a human being in his two lives and had never seen any examples of a complete solution. He had only seen such success and failure, and never seen any examples of failure to do so.

Unlike before, Xu Ping clearly shows that the surplus brought by the development of productivity has produced classes and exploitation. Production and exploitation interact with each other. In other words, people in this era will know that it is clear to me. Of course, the exploiters will say that I manipulate prices, lend usury and collect rent and interest, and sometimes I have to plot against other people's daughters and ladies, and they are also laborious. It must be made clear that labor refers to productive labor, not labor, it is labor that is labor that is labor that is spent on the brain and effort. Players who participate in the game provide entertainment to the audience is labor. You play ball and exercise yourself, not labor. Labor does not depend on how much effort you put in or how much effort you put in, but on what you directly or indirectly produce.

Zhao Zhen is not unfamiliar with equalizing the rich and poor, suppressing the annexation of Zhao Zhen, but he can't integrate these into ideology from sensibility to rationality. He can only record them first, but he is afraid that in the next days, there will be a big debate involving many officials. Disputes are good things, and only when the thoughts are unified can you do big things.

After Wu Yu's record was completed, Xu Ping held the scepter: "The first is to suppress the three strategies of my memory, and the second is to seize the snatch."

Zhao Zhen's eyes suddenly became sharp, his body suddenly became tense, his face was serious, and he looked at Xu Ping.

When officials did not compete with the people for profit, Xu Ping's words to seize the word "大大大" became tense.

Xu Ping's expression remained unchanged and said with a hand of the scepter, "The so-called snatching the stakes of the world from the hands of the powers. The snatching is not to snatch the things of the powers, nor to snatch their money. Even if the court does a good job, they will be able to make profits in the end. The snatching means that the court takes more of the sluggish things produced by the sluggish family, and the court takes less of the sluggish people."

Seeing that Zhao Zhen still looked serious, Xu Ping continued: "When a tragic person talks about the fact that the world's annexation is too strong and the common people are difficult to survive, he always says that the world's morality is not cultivated, and there are too many bad people, so that this is the case. I think it is not. How can the affairs of the world belong to the good and bad hearts of the people? If it belongs to the good and bad hearts of the people, then all the chaos in the world are as long as the court practices morality and practices education. For thousands of years, there are those who truly resolve the crisis of the world through education? If there are those who get nothing for nothing, they will be difficult for the world to do. The bad people who really get nothing for nothing are bandits and thieves, and they can be brought to justice. There are still those who follow the laws of the court and get nothing for nothing, such as those who get nothing for nothing, such as those who get nothing for nothing, such as those who get nothing for nothing, such as those who get nothing for nothing, collect rent and collect interest. Even if they do this, they are also rich in the world gathered in their hands, and they will be even more prosperous.

In one day, the land output was still so much, but the land rent did not decrease, and the interest on lending became higher and higher. Where did the higher interest come from? Or came from the hard work of farming and collecting land rent, and lending to obtain interest, which was nothing more than the surplus of the people from the court. When the land rent was collected more and more, the interest was higher and higher, not only the surplus of the people, but the surplus of the people's survival and production. Taking the surplus of the people's survival, it was difficult to survive, displaced, and died of starvation. Taking the surplus of the people's production, the land would not be cultivated, and the land would be deserted. Therefore, the surplus of the people from the world was not to rob the property, but to give the surplus of the people to survive, and to plough the fields and control the production. The so-called surplus of the people's survival is to be brought to the court."

After hearing this, Zhao Zhen's expression calmed down. Xu Ping said that the Song Dynasty had been doing it. The five-class household system in the countryside was that in addition to the household system, the city wing also had omnipresent official camps, and then it was pointed out that the government divided the profits of trade and commerce from it. These methods were all to seize the surplus of social production from the homes of power.

The surplus of agricultural production is brought to the exploiters through land rent and interest, and the surplus of industrial production is concentrated to the exploiters through the surplus price of the workers and financial means. Even if the landlords and capitalists are all great good people, this trend will not be reversed. One day, what the exploiters occupy will no longer be surplus, but means of living and means of production. The crisis of the entire society will inevitably arise. Not to mention, it is not easy to find good people from the exploiters, and it is even more impossible to complete the task to make them good people.

It is natural that the exploited people will not only not satisfy the exploiters, but will become more severe. The social strata and the people will be divided into a moderate way, and will eventually degenerate into a slave society, from possessing the property of the exploited people to completely possessing all their people. Once the crisis comes when the exploiters begin to attack the survival materials and means of production, if the regime does not adjust, it will suddenly deteriorate, because at this time the exploiters will become fierce and oppression and exploitation will become more vicious.

The emergence of the regime is to change the trend of social degradation and make adjustments when a crisis comes. Production forces determine production relations. To put it bluntly, production relations are means of exploitation and various factors that promote the expansion of social production. The more productive forces develop, social production will expand, and the means of exploitation begin to move from all possessing slaves to the passage of rent and interest. Entering the industrial society, it becomes the possession of surplus value and the use of financial means. This is productivity determines production relations. The exploiters seize most of the achievements of social production into their own hands, and eventually begin to swallow up survival and means of production, and the production relations begin to have a reactionary force. If there is no advance, there will be retreat. Without revolution and reconciliation, it is normal to retreat to a slave society.

If the regime is believed to be unconciliatory, then this contradiction and conflict will ultimately be resolved through violent revolution. If the regime is recognized as reconciliatory, it will be reforms and reforms again and again.

Under huge financial pressure, the Song Dynasty continued to suppress and seize the majority of the exploiters in society, namely the powers. Otherwise, in order to support the huge expenses of supporting the army, the entire society would have been in vain. The problem with the Song Dynasty was that after the suppression and capture, the official collected the money and did not use it for production and life, but for supporting the army. Raising the army was almost useless to produce, and the army could not truly defend the country, and even more so could not expand its territory. These wealth was equivalent to being thrown away in vain.

Consumption can drive economic growth, which is not absolute. The more concentrated the wealth, the smaller the driving effect of consumption on the economy. From slave owners to manor owners, social wealth is highly concentrated, and society is moving forward very slowly.

With the destruction of the Dangxiang in the northwest and the victory of the Khitan, the pressure of survival in the Song Dynasty had decreased. With the great development of production brought about by the Sansi field affairs, the wealth of society was increasing. To put it, it should be a time of less pressure.

If Xu Ping did not carry out reforms and guided the saved money and increased wealth to the right direction, a national carnival would occur next. The financial pressure would be reduced, and many industries in the official business would be unnecessary and would be opened to society, so naturally most of them would flow into the power.

On the one hand, Xu Ping relied on his two-life knowledge to guide his productivity to make rapid progress, and on the other hand, he accepted the power of official business restaurants and shops. The exploitation ability of the people increased greatly and the intensity of the exploitation increased. When the productivity cannot keep up with the deepening of the intensity of the exploitation, an unprecedented social crisis is about to come. At that time, Xu Ping might have been in his twilight years or he may have passed away, and the crisis will be counted on him. In this life, the hard work for the world and the people may have been in exchange for the infamy behind him.

Under the social crisis, the biggest possibility is that his correct approach was abandoned, and his wrong approach was picked up and considered to be correct, and he blamed himself, a treacherous minister, a traitor, for the country. The world was once again caught in a cycle of governance and chaos, and he also became a treacherous slander. Li Zhang, who grew up with Zhao Zhen, was used to prove that he was a slanderer.

It is not easy to settle the affairs of the king and win the reputation of the person before and after his death. Whether it is a revolutionary or a reformer, it is a character that is easily brought to blame by the profiteer. Shang Yang and Wang Anshi, if you are not careful, Xu Ping himself will do so.

Why did Xu Ping explain these principles clearly to Zhao Zhen before the reform? Not only did he gain his ideological recognition and gain firm support, but he also said it in the front. Why did he do this? What are the consequences of doing this? What are the consequences of not doing this? Even if he does not take into account his reputation and the rise and fall of the family, he also had to take into account the development of the world in the future and the people of the world would no longer suffer.

If you live alone, when you reach Xu Ping's point, you will think about how much money you make and how much wealth you have to leave for your descendants every day. This person is too boring to do it. It would be better to just retire to the countryside and live your own life. Being an emperor and a prime minister must have the whole world. Without this mind, why should you sit in this position? Xu Ping is not short of this salary, and his current contribution is enough to glorify his life. After receiving the imperial edict and becoming this prime minister, you will have to give the world a longer peace.

The prime minister calls him appointing, not a post because this position is the ultimate responsibility of the official, and even goes beyond the scope of the official. If you refuse to leave the official position, you will be punished, but if the prime minister does not accept it, it is allowed. If you don’t want to do it, you can ignore it. This is the difference between the prime minister and ordinary officials. Since you don’t want to do it, you can ignore it. If you do it, you can of course accept different requirements from ordinary officials. If an official has made merit in governing affairs, the prime minister cannot use the merit of governing affairs. The evaluation of the prime minister is whether the world is governed or chaotic. If you can do it or not, no one depends on your ability, but only on how the world is governed.

In the world, whether civil or military affairs, the prime minister is in charge. If you have this power, you must be responsible, and you cannot be like ordinary officials. Xu Ping’s previous life has a unclear understanding of the responsibilities of the prime minister and believes that it is actually incorrect. The reason why the prime minister is a prime minister and even adds a word when his status is high is that he is called the prime minister because this is the real governor of the country.

The ruler is the emperor and the governor is the prime minister. This is not a vertical superior-level relationship like other officials. Among all officials, as long as they have the status of prime minister, they will transcend officials. The censor and the general, as long as they have real responsibilities, they are also members of the prime minister. It is just that there are Privy Councilors, but there are no real censors.

Therefore, the prime minister at this time was actually Yan Shu, Xu Ping and Lu Yijian. The entire prime minister group also had to add all the officials and deputy envoys of the Privy Council. These people were all exercising the responsibilities of the prime minister during the Qin and Han Dynasties. The Tai Censors were the censors and officials during the Qin and Han Dynasties, and were also one of the prime ministers. The Tai Censors' restraint of the prime ministers was based on their duties, rather than the intrigue and mutual restraint between officials. This was the political structure at this time.
Chapter completed!