1853. Chapter 1853 Long-term vision
Chapter 1853 Long-term vision
Wang Tom and Qian Tiandun suddenly discovered that the domestic political situation in North Korea was actually not as simple as the outside world thought. The so-called political opposition was probably just a way for these officialdom bosses to please their bosses or suppress their opponents.
posture, but their true thoughts on the political situation may not have been expressed publicly.
Judging from Cui Mingji's familiarity with Haihan's plan, this person is by no means the kind of ordinary politician who opposes for the sake of opposition. Instead, he really spent a lot of time studying Haihan's plan and combined it with the situation of his country.
, and made detailed calculations on the possible effects and impacts in the future. To say the degree of care in doing this homework, I am afraid it is unparalleled in North Korean officialdom.
Moreover, this friend does not seem to have any hatred towards Haihan. At least judging from the half-day conversation with him, Cui Mingji did not show any obvious hostility. It even felt that his questions were deliberately paving the way for Haihan's explanation.
Allow them to explain the details of this cooperation plan step by step.
Cui Mingji made a lot of obvious preparations for this meeting, which greatly won the favor of the two men. Although Cui Mingji's true intention has not been finally confirmed, he is at least a respectable negotiating opponent. They all have a
I have a hunch that as long as Cui Mingji is dealt with, the subsequent negotiation process will be much easier.
"But I don't think Kim Sang-hyun will give up the dominant position in the negotiations to him so easily." Qian Tiandun analyzed: "After all, this should be considered a good opportunity for Cui Mingji to make a comeback!"
Cui Mingji was at a disadvantage in the previous war and peace disputes, allowing Kim Sang-heon to control the voice of the domestic political arena. Although King Li Jie did not abandon or demote him for some reasons, he was ultimately defeated by his political opponents.
If Cui Mingji chooses to go against Haihan, it will be difficult for him to maintain his current position, let alone stand up. But if he takes the initiative to cooperate with Haihan, even if it is only part of the plan
, there is a great opportunity to return to the center of the stage and continue to serve as an opinion leader in North Korean officialdom.
But Kim Sang-hyun is not a simple character. He has been able to stand in North Korea's officialdom for many years and has the ability to control the situation. As long as he is aware of Cui Mingji's intentions, he will definitely not let his opponent do what he does.
Did Kim Sang-hyun see through Choi Ming-gil's tactics? The answer should be yes. During the talks that continued that afternoon, Kim Sang-hun no longer remained silent, but took the initiative and began to control the content and process of the talks, no longer wasting time.
Leave it to Cui Mingji to perform alone.
Before and after the Anti-Qing War in the past few months, Kim Sang-hyun spent most of his time in the Haehan Army, participating in supervising the war on behalf of the Korean official. During this period, he also got very familiar with General Haehan, and he wanted to regain control of the negotiations.
process, it will naturally be easier to implement.
Kim Sang-heon did not study the details of the cooperation plan as thoroughly as Cui Ming-gil, and he was not an economic expert either. However, his advantage was that he had cooperated with the Haihan people earlier, and his personal reputation rose to a new level after the war, even with King Li Zhu.
We cannot ignore his opinions. And his opponent Cui Mingji obviously cannot compare with him in this regard.
The topic that Kim Sang-heon wants to discuss is different from Choi Ming-gil. The focus is not on technical details, but mainly on the project content and general direction of future cooperation between the two parties.
Regarding the future development direction of North Korea, Kim Sang-heon's thoughts are actually very close to that of King Ri Ju. He still hopes that the country can build an armed force strong enough to protect itself and not have to ask for assistance from the sovereign state every time it encounters foreign enemies. Especially when it comes to things like
Although the protective umbrella of Haihan can indeed protect North Korea from being invaded by other countries, the cost is indeed quite high. It drains the national treasury in one go. In the long run, it still needs to improve its own defense system.
Kim Sang-hyun has been at the Taedong River base for a long time. He can basically confirm that Hae-han is indeed interested in helping North Korea build a new type of army with more combat effectiveness, but the extent to which this help can be achieved depends on the intentions of both parties. Hae-han
The price offered now is to implement industrial cooperation projects first, and then carry out in-depth cooperation in the military field. It will be okay if North Korea does not agree, but future military cooperation may only stay in the current simple model of North Korea unilaterally buying and buying.
If you want to imitate the military system and combat methods of the Haihan Army, it will be difficult to get sufficient technical support.
But opening up the management rights of key industries to Haehan is not only a matter of concern to Li Zhu, but also Kim Sang-hyun. If Haehan gradually controls these industries in the future, it will be equivalent to controlling the lifeblood of North Korea.
With these three thousand miles of land and mountains being renamed, North Korea may not even have the strength to struggle. But the development prospects promised by Haihan are too tempting, especially after listening to the Q&A between Cui Mingji and General Haihan today,
Kim Sang-hyun made this even more clear - North Korea wants to become powerful quickly, and obeying the arrangements of the Haihan people is probably the only solution.
Kim Sang-hyun began to relent during the negotiation, and Qian and Wang naturally noticed it. This was naturally a good thing for Haihan. Even if there would be lengthy detailed negotiations later, as long as the intention could be confirmed one day earlier, the follow-up negotiations would be smooth.
Their subordinates can complete it, so there is no need to sit here and waste words. They are all generals who lead troops to fight. Sitting down and negotiating conditions is not their specialty. If they can complete the task quickly, it will be a good thing for them.
relief.
But the idea of resolving the war quickly is not so easy to realize. The cooperation projects discussed by the two countries this time are not trivial. Each item involves a considerable amount of investment, and North Korea is opening up these projects.
They are more cautious on the scale, and hope that Haihan will implement more in accordance with North Korea's standards in business operations. After all, judging from what they know, the industries operated by Haihan tend to have higher production capacity, and over time, they will be at a low level.
If we use high prices to squeeze out the market, what will we do if the government-operated salt fields, mines, and shipyards are all squeezed out?
Even as powerful as the Ming Dynasty, the salt business in coastal areas has already been taken up by Haihan. Government-run salt farms in many places have closed down because they cannot compete with the private salt produced by Haihan. Some southern salt farms have even ceased operations.
They organized their own production and directly sold the private salt provided by Haihan. There are many officials in the Salt Class Promotion Department in Fuzhou and Guangzhou who have made a lot of money in recent years.
However, North Korea is surrounded by sea on three sides. Almost all the salt supply in the country comes from seaside salt farms, and a considerable part of the revenue of the state treasury relies on the state-owned salt industry. After Haihan enters this industry, it will almost be inevitable to occupy the limited market share.
, it may be difficult to make up for the losses in the North Korean treasury just by paying taxes.
However, the statement given by Haihan is completely different from what the North Koreans are worried about. The salt farm operated by Haihan in North Korea will not sell salt to the country at a price lower than the supply price of the official salt farm, and its main sales target
Not North Korea, but the Qing Dynasty in the north.
"Your country has a long border with the Qing Dynasty. If a large amount of low-priced private salt is dumped through your country to the Qing Dynasty, what will happen?" Qian Tiandun reminded: "You are worried about what will happen in your own country.
The place where the situation will really arise is actually the Qing Dynasty."
Jin Shangxian gasped when he heard this. He really didn't expect Haihan to have such a method to attack the Qing Dynasty. Although it would certainly not be able to collapse the Qing Dynasty's economy, it would import low-priced private salt to the Qing Dynasty through dumping.
It will definitely have a certain impact on the stability of its rule.
However, Kim Sang-hyun is still a little unsure about the feasibility of this statement: "If the Qing Dynasty had tightened the investigation of illegal salt, wouldn't it be impossible to sell it?"
Qian Tiandun responded: "So when the time comes to find a new home, I'll look for someone with authority to avoid being investigated. As for how to sell private salt as official salt, I probably don't need to be taught anymore!"
As long as a strong partner can be found in the Qing Dynasty and its profit margins are guaranteed, someone will naturally take over this business. Over time, not only can the Qing Dynasty's salt industry be destroyed, but there will also be opportunities to use the channels thus opened to do business.
More things. Whether it is collecting intelligence or bribing officials, creating social conflicts and conflicts of interest in the country, there will be greater room for maneuver.
For North Korea, in addition to war, this is probably a good way to retaliate against its evil neighbor in the north. Several North Koreans present are high-level people, so naturally they can quickly understand what such a method can do
effect.
As for smelting and shipbuilding, it was just the opposite. Even the slag could not be touched by the Qing Dynasty. The improvement of the strength of these two industries seemed to have more benefits than disadvantages for North Korea, so even Kim Sang-heon did not raise any questions.
When it was time for dinner, Li Zhu naturally invited Qian and Wang to stay at Gyeongbokgung Palace for dinner. The two of them did not refuse, because they wanted to finalize the matter while the iron was hot as much as possible.
Li Jie called out his three sons who were observing in another room next door and asked them to participate in the dinner. Since they had informed Haihan about the arrangement beforehand, Qian and Wang both expressed this
I didn't find anything surprising at all.
Li Zhu's eldest son, the Crown Prince Li Shu, had already met at the reception banquet before this, while the second son Fenglin Lord Li Hao and the youngest son Linping Lord Li Jun met for the first time.
During the dinner, both Qian Tiandun and Wang Tom noticed some details, that is, Kim Sang-heon was obviously more inclined to the crown prince, while Cui Ming-gil was more friendly with the eighteen-year-old Fenglin Maharaja, which also made them aware of the differences between Kim Sang-heon and Cui Ming-gil.
The dispute between Mingji and Mingji is probably not limited to the current cooperation plan. People are probably already considering the situation in the court a few years from now.
But regarding Li Zhu's sons, they had not done much homework beforehand. It was certainly inconvenient to show their preference at the moment. They could only wait until they returned to the station before sending a telegram back to the south to inquire about the matter. This choice is currently available.
It may not necessarily have any effect, but if we can make good friends with the next king of North Korea earlier, it will be easier to handle relations between the two countries in the future.
After dinner at Gyeongbokgung Palace, the two of them took a car back to the base. Then they ordered someone to set up an antenna in the courtyard, turned on the radio and sent out a telegram. In addition to reporting on the current progress of the negotiations, they also asked the base camp to provide Li Junsan. Information about his son, as well as suggestions for choosing a support partner.
After being forwarded twice through Zhoushan and Penghu, this telegram was finally sent to Ning Qi's desk. After reading it, Ning Qi did not dare to neglect it and retrieved relevant information from the large database overnight, but the results were not ideal. Ning Qi had no choice but to write an analysis based on the current situation and reply to his colleagues in North Korea by telegram.
Qian and Wang saw that it was already noon the next day when they saw the call back, and the content also made them feel a little surprised. Ning Qi did not give a clear suggestion in the message, because the situation recorded in history is different from the current situation. The actual situation has been quite different.
According to historical records, Li Fu, who was born in 1612, was granted the title of Crown Prince when he was thirteen years old. However, after causing chaos in Bingzi, he, his wife Jiang and his two younger brothers were taken hostage to Shenyang. He also went south with the Qing army and entered the Pass. It was not until the Qing army captured Beijing in 1645 that the regent Dorgon released Li Bo and returned to the country.
However, this man did not succeed in taking over as king after returning to China. He suddenly died of illness just two months later, and his posthumous title was revealed. As for the real cause of his death, there are different opinions in history, but it is said that his wife was sentenced to death and his three sons were exiled. Judging from the situation, Prince Zhaoxian was probably executed on the order of Li Zhu. As for the reason, some historians believe that Prince Zhaoxian gradually changed his mentality during his eight-year stay as a hostage. Under the influence of the Qing court, Gradually, the position also tended to support the Qing Dynasty. Especially after personally participating in the enthronement ceremony of Emperor Shunzhi held at the Temple of Heaven in Beijing, he believed that the relationship between Korea and the Qing Dynasty needed to be repositioned, and this was unacceptable to the Korean ruling class in the Ming Dynasty, which was the center of time and space. of.
After Li Bo's death, the second eldest son, Li Hao, was soon released and returned to North Korea. In the same year, he was named the Crown Prince of Joseon by the Qing government. Four years later, when Li Bo passed away, Li Hao succeeded him and became the seventeenth generation monarch of the Lee Dynasty. , known as Xiaozong in history.
But in this time and space, the so-called Bingzi chaos was delayed for more than half a year, and the Qing army did not win the war as recorded in history. Instead, it was defeated by the coalition forces led by Haihan as soon as they reached the Datong River, and even the border capital of Seoul was defeated. They withdrew their troops without any hesitation. As the victor, North Korea would naturally not let the crown prince be kidnapped and used as a hostage, let alone go to Shenyang to eat and live with the Qing Dynasty for several years.
In this time and space, Li Pu, Li Hao, and even the third youngest Li Jun, who was mentioned briefly in historical data, actually have the possibility of becoming successors. Of course, Li Pu has the greatest chance of this, after all, he He is the heir apparent who has been canonized long ago, while his two younger brothers are just candidates.
Chapter completed!