Today's second update, in a dark corner northwest of the Castle Palace in St. Petersburg, a man dressed in a Western warlock sneakily handed a box-shaped object to another person. The man was covered in a black cloak and could not see his face clearly.

"Have you done it all?" The voice was cold, even cautious.

It seemed that he was used to this voice, and the warlock nodded and bowed quickly. "Don't worry, sir, the army order and the Tsar's seal are all inside!"

"Very good! Rasputin!" The man in black cloak opened the small box, counted it, nodded, and asked, "Does Nikola doubt it?"

"Don't worry! Sir!" Rasputin patted his chest and said, "I'll let it go if I do my business. Sir!"

"Very good!" The man in black cloak took out a small exquisite box from his arms and handed it to Rasputin and said, "For you!"

When Rasputting saw the box, his eyes suddenly shone and hurried over. When he opened it, he saw a long cigar lined up in it. He took out one of them and Rasputting immediately lit it, took a long suck, and said comfortably like a fairy: "This time is much better than last time! Thank you sir!"

The man in black cloak nodded and said, "Strike back! Don't let others suspect it after you have come out for a long time!"

"Yes! Sir," asked Rasputin, "I don't know how to contact Sir, next time?"

The man in black said, "I will naturally contact you when the time comes! You only need to do your job well!"

Rasputin said with some concern: "The revolutionary party has been in a fierce situation recently! I'm worried."

"There is nothing to worry about!" The man in black interrupted him. "The front-line army will return to help soon. You must control the Tsar and keep him alive!"

Then he said coldly: "Get out!"

"Yes!" Rasputin saw the man in black's voice getting colder, and hurriedly left.

When Rasputin returned to the palace gate, the Russian soldiers guarding immediately saluted, "The national sergeant will be back so soon!"

Rasputin nodded, "I just remembered that there was something to do!" After that, he went straight to the Hermitage.

In the third floor office of the Chinese Embassy in St. Petersburg, in the third floor of the Chinese Embassy, ​​Li Daben, director of the Love Department of the Chinese Emperor**, handed a box to the ambassador to Russia Xi Chaohua.

Xi Chaohua glanced at the things inside, looked at Li Dasheng with appreciation, and said, "It's done well!"

"Mr. Thank you for your praise!" Li Daben said modestly: "This is what we should do!"

Xi Chaohua nodded and said, "I received an order from my superiors, asking you to hand over the things in the box to Lenin as soon as possible. And notify Ning that he can do something!"

"Yes!" Li Dasheng stood attentively and said, "Madam, don't worry! Ensure that the task is completed!"

"By the way!" Xi Chaohua suddenly asked: "This uprising by Lenin and his friends will probably succeed. The empire believes that the Tsar is of value to use and requires you to save his life and use the embassy guard battalion if necessary!"

Li Daben said: "Don't worry, sir, the Tsar and the Queen are under the control of Rasputin, and we even control Rasputin. When necessary, my people will directly bring out the Russian royal family!"

"Is it that Russian national teacher?" Xi Chaohua asked: "His reputation is very bad! Don't expose your identities!"

It seems that Xi Chaohua is surprised by this so-called Russian lowlander! So who is this guy?

It turned out that after Tsar Nicholas II and Queen Alexandra were desperate in politics and military affairs, they put their spiritual suspicion on superstition. Geye-Rasputin was introduced to the court as the "Immortal Prophet". He used superstition to fill the spiritual emptiness of the Tsar and the Queen and gained their trust. As the court became increasingly powerful, he finally manipulated the power of the royal family. After the old and old, under the Cezai of Rasputin, four cabinet prime ministers, six interior ministers, four 6th Army ministers, three foreign ministers, four agriculture ministers, and four judicial ministers.

At the end of the seventh year, the Russian ruling group split into pro-German factions, including Stieurmeer, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and pro-German factions represented by Foreign Minister Sassonnov, who attacked each other. The bourgeoisie expressed resentment that the Tsarist government could not win the war and prevent the life of the revolution. Alexandra was even suspected of being a German spy because she was born in Germany and valued the pro-German faction. Among the nobles, she was also heartbroken by the tsar's foolishness and incompetence. In the old and old months, Rasputin was assassinated by the royalists and other royalists in Pigrad. The royalists tried to save the Romanov dynasty and prevent the outbreak of the revolution. But at a critical moment, Rasputin was rescued by a group of mysterious people, who were the military intelligence personnel who were secretly operating in Russia in the Chinese Empire.

Rasputin, who was shot several times, was in the air. At this time, the military intelligence personnel injected him with a large amount of morphine and life-saving drugs, and he miraculously survived. After that, the guy became addicted to drugs. The military intelligence personnel took the opportunity to provide him with heroin, gradually controlled the Russian national teacher, and indirectly controlled the Tsar and the Queen through him.

"Sir, don't worry!" Li Daben said confidently: "The Military Intelligence Bureau is clean and neat in its work, leaving no trace!"

Xi Chaohua nodded and said, "If the form is serious, control the Tsar to transport all the gold of Russia's treasury and the small secret treasury of the Tsar back to the empire! The imperial cabinet has approved the arms exports that may be used to support the Tsar's counterattack on the revolutionary uprising army, so use their gold as collateral!"

"Yes!" Li Daben smiled and said, "If Emperor Yan knew that the great revolution in China was unsettled, he would definitely not give the treasury a yellow mark, and the slag was the revolutionary. He could only choose to transport it abroad. The empire was the only object that Russia could consider!"

Xi Chaohua smiled and said, "You guessed it right! Go and do things!"

"Yes!" Li Daben turned and left.

Lenin had long remembered the incident, but the Tsar's army was too large, and the Chinese Empire always opposed the uprising when the time was not yet ripe. This forced Lenin to wait anxiously, and now the time was finally ripe. The Chinese side nodded, and Lenin immediately organized his men to fight back against the Tsarist government.

At the beginning of the eighth year, the revolutionary time was ripe. The Petrograd workers held strikes under the call of the Bolsheviks. 40,000 people participated in the strikes. Mass strikes and demonstrations were also held in Moscow, Kharkov, Baku and other cities. At that time, the director of the Petrograd Police Department said in a report to the Minister of Internal Affairs: "The idea of ​​the general strike gained new supporters day by day. It is as popular as the next year." At this time, the bourgeoisie panicked. The bourgeoisie called on the Tsar, hoping that the Tsar would let them participate in the regime.

However, the Tsar ignored it at all and threatened to disband the State Duma. For this reason, the Mensheviks supported the bourgeoisie and invited workers to hold a peaceful demonstration near the Tafrida Palace, where the Duma was located, on the day of the Duma meeting in February, and demanded that the Duma establish a government that gave "the people a way to live". This would increase the reputation of the Duma and put pressure on the Tsar.

Regarding the actions of the Mensheviks, the Bolsheviks led by Lenin immediately fought back, and scattered leaflets in the Petrograd Commission and called on workers to hold demonstrations under the slogan "Down with the Tsarist monarchy to fight against war, long live the temporary revolutionary government." As a result, on the day of the Keyword, tens of thousands of people participated in the strike, and most of the workers followed the Bolsheviks and demonstrated on Neva Street. There were very few people going to the Tafrida Palace.

On March 3, workers in the stamping workshop of Greptilov Factory held a strike, demanding a raise of piece-rate wages and recalling fired workers. The factory refused unreasonably and threatened with high pressure, announcing irregular closures. The Bolshevik Party organization, which had a significant influence among the workers in this factory, immediately led the workers to fight against the factory. The strike expanded to the entire Putilov Factory. On March 7, according to the order of the military authorities, the gate of Putilov Factory was closed and the workers could not enter. So a strike committee was established and decided to request support from other workers. The conflict further developed into a city-wide struggle.

On the 8th, the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party and the Petrograd Commission decided to hold a rally to celebrate International Women's Day, and to carry out propaganda and agitation against hunger, war and tsarist system. After the meeting, female workers took to the streets to demonstrate and march, and male workers also came out. On that day, Dakou 10,000 people participated in the strike. That night, the Russian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party and the Petrograd Commission discussed the situation of the struggle for one day, and advocated continuing to carry out the struggle and advancing the revolution.

On March 19, the number of people who went on strike in Bidigrad increased to Liwan. The masses gathered from all directions to Neva Street. The police tried to separate the masses, but to no avail.

The workers gathered here and sometimes appeared there to continue demonstrations. After mass strikes and demonstrations were unfolded, the Bolsheviks took the transfer of the army to the revolution as a major task. The Bolsheviks organized workers to go deep into barracks, posts, and patrols to persuade the soldiers not to shoot at the people.

In the past, the Petrograd strike turned into a general strike. All kinds of enterprises, shops, restaurants and cafes stopped working. The city center was crowded with people. At that time, Tsar Nicholas II received a report from the Petrograd Military Region Commander Khabarov on the situation in Mojińsń, where he was the base camp, and ordered the implementation of terrorist measures against the Pyrograd strike movement. On the evening of March, he signed a telegram from Hahabarov: "Tomorrow, the riots in Kyoto Toyo will be stopped." The Tsarist army arrested members of the Bolshevik Party Petrograd Committee overnight, and military police were spread on the center of Petrograd and the traffic roads, and machine guns were set up on the roofs and corner towers.

However, the revolutionary fire was not extinguished. According to the decision of the Central Bureau of the Bolshevik Party, the Vyborg Committee was the Vyborg Committee to continue to lead the people in the struggle. March was Sunday. Petrograd workers were still flocking to the streets, squares, soldiers of the fourth company of the reserve battalion of the Pavlov Regiment of the Imperial Guards revolted and refused to shoot at the people. This uprising marked that the soldiers had begun to turn to the people. In the evening, the Bolshevik Vyborg Committee held a meeting. The meeting believed that the situation at that time was very beneficial to the proletariat, and decided to turn the strike into an armed uprising and planned to have a party with the soldiers. Seize the arsenal. The moment of the final duel between the Russian people and the Tsarist system has arrived.

On March 19, thousands of workers marched towards the center of Petrograd. Due to the propaganda of the Bolsheviks, the work was organized. A large number of soldiers in the army moved to the revolution. At 6 a.m., the soldiers of the Warren Guards' Training Corps revolted, killed the captain of the teaching team, and then went to the streets to head the nearby Preobrarensky and Litovsky groups, uniting the soldiers of the two regiments. After sorting out the team, the rebels drove to Vyborg and met with the workers. The Moscow Security Corps' teaching team stationed in Vyborg District resisted and prevented the soldiers from participating in the uprising.

The rebel soldiers and workers rushed into the barracks, killed the teaching captain, seized weapons, and armed the workers. The workers and the rebel soldiers seized the arsenal and artillery, seized a gathering of rifles, long live pistols and a large number of bullets. Bolsheviks rushed to the prison and released the political prisoners. The released Bolsheviks immediately rushed to the workers' area and participated in the battle. More and more troops participated in the uprising. According to statistics, the army participated in the uprising in March. On the evening of March, there were only people in the mouth, and the mouth increased to the fields in the morning, and the mouth increased to ten thousand at noon. At night, the people reached the night.

On the evening of March 2, the Tsar's ministers held their last meeting at the Palace of Maria, but were soon arrested. Nicholas II attempted to transfer the troops back from the front to Petrograd to suppress the uprising. However, the troops near Petrograd had already revolted. In fact, the Tsar's reinforcements had been blocked halfway by the people sent by Lenin, because Lenin's men were holding the army transfer order given to them by Li Daben and the seal of the Tsar, and there was no doubt that the Russian army would return to the aid. Under Lenin's Zego, the whole thing was soon in the hands of the rebels.

On the evening of March, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party published a "Letter to All Russian Citizens" in the form of a leaflet, declaring that the Tsarist system collapsed, and it had all been transferred to the hands of the uprising people. It pointed out that the main task of the working class and the revolutionary army was to establish a democratic republic, confiscate land of landlords, implement a different and timely working system, and unite the people of the belligerent countries to stop the imperialist war. This declaration was widely circulated in Petrograd. It was read at the gatherings of workers and soldiers, and was later reprinted. It reflected the Bolsheviks' minimum program, a guiding document for the implementation of the bourgeois democratic revolution, and a witness to the leadership role of the Bolsheviks in the March Revolution.

After the revolution won the victory in Tupigrad, it then quickly began in various places. On March 1, the Moscow Committee of the Bolshevik Party dispersed leaflets and called on workers and soldiers to hold strikes and demonstrations to support the Petrograd armed uprising. On the morning of the day, Moscow began a general strike. The march began to march towards the Red Square and the city Duma. The armed workers drove the guards away and disarmed them. A mass meeting was held in the square opposite the city Duma. The Bolsheviks called on workers to enter the barracks and have a party with the soldiers. The soldiers quickly moved to the revolution. On March 1, the workers and the uprising soldiers occupied the Kremlin, the arsenal, the railway station, the municipal government, the police station, the telegraph bureau, etc., and released political prisoners from the prison.

The garrisons and fleets near Petrograd responded enthusiastically to armed uprisings. On March 2018, the entire Korlang Stadt was in the hands of the uprising people. The sailors and soldiers of Helsinki also held uprisings. When the news of the Petrograd armed uprising came to the front line, the soldiers immediately took action, established a soldier committee, and supervised the officers. The peasants also welcomed the revolution, and overthrowing the tsarist system had brought them political liberation. They began to seize the land of the landlords and strive for economic liberation. National liberation movements in various places were also widely carried out.

Because the queen favored the "national commander" Rasputin, it aroused dissatisfaction among the young nobles and the army group. The Tsar lost the support of the military headquarters, bureaucrats and capitalists. On March, the Tsar was forced to sign abdication edict, originally planning to pass the throne to his younger brother, Grand Duke Mikhail, but was rejected by the Bolsheviks, so the Romanov dynasty perished.

However, the problem is not over and it is very big.

Although the Russian March Revolution was successful, overthrew the Tsarist rule and ended the feudal dynasty. However, at this time, two regimes appeared in St. Petersburg, one was the bourgeois regime of the Mensheviks and the other was the Bolsheviks Soviet regime.

At the beginning, the Soviet regime was powerful because of the support from China, but at the critical moment, China's attitude suddenly became ambiguous. Except for Zhang Yunfei and Shufei, the top Chinese leaders were friendly to Lenin. From the auxiliary minister of the cabinet, Tang Shaoyi, to the people, no one supported Lenin to abolish the emperor and implement the so-called Soviet republic. Because in the eyes of the Chinese, Russia should implement a Chinese-style constitutional monarchy rather than a republic.

At this time, China's high capitalist development and people's lives were stable and prosperous, so they naturally believed that the Chinese system was correct. Since Soviet Lenin was supported by China, they should follow the path of China. It can be said that the mysterious Chinese people have already regarded Russia as a vassal state. But the "little brother" did not follow the "boss" and naturally they would not receive support from China.

On the contrary, the Russian bourgeoisie Korensky government, which was at the time, extended an olive branch to China, indicating that the Lenin government was based on the Marxist regime and was based on the overthrow of the bourgeois regime, and China was a bourgeois regime and must recognize our enemies and us.

This was agreed by all the civil and military ministers in China, so the original decision to support Lenin began to shake, and instead supported Kerensky's bourgeois government. This led to the emergence of two regimes in Russia, and China was happy to see the two regimes fight to the death, which would be more in line with China's interests.

In addition, after Nicholas II abdicated, Nicholas II originally wanted to go to Britain, but King George V of Britain refused to accept his family's refuge in Britain, so the Tsar family was placed in Toborsk, Siberia by Kerensky's provisional government. Under Rasputin's persuasion, Tsar Nicholas II moved to China for political refuge.
Chapter completed!