"Perhaps in the eyes of the British, they may really believe that this is our general offensive. Public opinion in many Commonwealth countries does say so." A loyal supporter of Shelepin is still serving as the chairman of the KGB. Naturally, he is very aware of the current public opinion in various countries.
movement on.
"If this is really the case, it can be said to have advantages and disadvantages." Gromyko was stunned for a moment and then said, "With the addition of African and Asian matters, our bargaining chips will increase. If the Cuban missile crisis subsides,
There is no doubt that we need to score points on these two issues, otherwise we will not be able to explain to other allies."
Brezhnev fell into thinking and finally shook his head and said, "We cannot participate in Asian affairs. No matter which side we stand on, we will be criticized in the end. What's more, our Eastern comrades are disobedient and in an irrational state.
Among them, if we say anything, they may think that we are interfering in internal affairs. At least in public, it is not suitable to express our stance at the diplomatic level."
The former close Eastern allies have become outright problem children in the eyes of Moscow. They have caused a lot of trouble for the Soviet Union. Under such circumstances, any contact is not advisable.
"In fact, in addition to these three points, we must also pay attention to Southeast Asia. Sukarno was very dissatisfied because the United States stood on the side of the British and Dutch, and Australia had strong hostility towards independent Indonesia. The power of the Indonesian Communist Party expanded.
Soon, if we can make decisive progress in Indonesian affairs after this crisis is over, it should be able to bring a good end to this crisis."
Fortseva spoke at this time, explaining her views on Indonesian affairs, and then changed the topic, "But through the fate of Mossadegh in Iran, we should also know several factors, that is, the leaders of many countries
People, such as Mossadegh, do not understand the seriousness of the matter at all, and they also have fundamental problems."
"Even if Sukarno is now leaning towards the Indonesian Communist Party, the Indonesian military receives so-called aid from the United States every year. This is very similar to the previous coup in Iran."
Unknowingly, all members of the Central Presidium were attracted by Fortseva's words. The Cultural Tsar rarely expressed his stance on foreign affairs, but the limited times he did so, the effect was good.
"In the event of a coup, the Soviet Union's disadvantage will be exactly the same as the Cuban Missile Crisis this time, that is, we lack the power to support an archipelagic country." Fortseva said feeling helpless, "From the worst perspective, saying
Maybe the British and American plans to overthrow Indonesia have already been put on the agenda. If there is a coup, how will we rescue it?"
The members of the Central Presidium were silent. If the Soviet Union had its way, it would not be so embarrassed by the Cuban Missile Crisis.
The British Royal Navy may not be as sharp as the US Navy, but its strength is still superior to the Soviet Red Navy.
"The risk is so high, and if something goes wrong we won't be able to rescue at all, so there is only one way. We have to take action first and strive for the greatest victory."
When Fortseva said this, she looked at Shelepin and said, "Shurik, is there no progress in the KGB's work in Indonesia? In fact, for many countries, it does not require a strong force to carry out a coup. A capable combat force can command it.
To get things done, just like in Congo, we controlled or let Lumumba lean towards us, and now we are suppressing the British-backed independence forces in Katanga."
"Even if it is really successful, putting Sukarno on the stage is still the top priority." Brezhnev continued following Fortseva's train of thought, "Our long-range projection power is not strong enough, and
Cooperation with prestigious national leaders is not an impossible option. If Sukarno is also left aside, the situation in Indonesia as a whole cannot be controlled."
"Teaching the United States a lesson." Compared to others, Khrushchev was in the most urgent mood. He had already thought about the possible consequences of the Cuban Missile Crisis, but he did not expect that the United States would put the Soviet Union in an extremely uncomfortable position.
If he backs down this time, he will go bankrupt by blackmailing the United States by talking about missiles and not talking about missiles over the past few years.
But a real compromise, even if Britain and France have taken the initiative to give it up, is still difficult to accept. This will cause huge damage to his authority.
So even if it compromises in the end, the Soviet Union must achieve results in another place. "Shurik, Comrade Katya's opinion is extremely important. Considering the lessons learned from Iran, in a sense, the situation of Sukarno in Indonesia is indeed
It's very dangerous. Do comrades agree with this judgment?"
When Khrushchev asked for consent, he was not asking for other people's opinions, but deciding things casually. Naturally, everyone present knew this very well, and they all nodded in agreement.
After the meeting, Brezhnev left the Kremlin, and Furtseva followed. Brezhnev heard Brezhnev say, "Once compromised, the impact will be huge. The national conditions of our country cannot tolerate this."
Weak people lead.”
"Yeah!" Fortseva hummed. Brezhnev was telling the truth. The Russian character is like this. They have no tolerance for weak people. Both of them tacitly agreed and did not continue the discussion.
At the British Embassy, Alan Wilson was analyzing with Van Side about what the Soviet Union would do next. The name Van Side aroused Alan Wilson's interest, and after asking, it was nothing special. He was of Dutch origin.
"Based on my understanding of the Soviet people, I feel that there is little hope for the Soviet Union to make concessions. The Standing Secretary's visit to Moscow this time may not bring the desired results." Fan Xide has a pessimistic attitude towards Alan Wilson's visit. The national character of the Russians
There is no room for weak people.
"That's not necessarily true. In fact, being good at strategic contraction tests a leader's ability far more than being good at strategic offense. Who can't do strategic offense? But strategic contraction is very difficult."
This chapter is not finished yet, please click on the next page to continue reading the exciting content! Alan Wilson felt that after the war, Britain began to strategically shrink, which may not be glorious to say. But it is also a way to weigh the pros and cons and hold on to Japan.
The framework of the Unstoppable Empire has probably been dragged down by the combination of the United States and the Soviet Union.
In the general direction, Britain's strategic contraction is correct, and Alan Wilson also knows this. It's just that he doesn't trust the United States. He feels that the United States is obviously not as diplomatically diplomatic as Britain.
At his current age, it would be better if he died early. If he lives longer, even if he defeated the Soviet Union, could it be that after watching the United States defeat the Soviet Union, he turned around and attacked Britain and France, and then closed his eyes and became invincible in the world?
Are you leading Britain into a ditch?
In his view, the United States and the Soviet Union were the eldest brother, let alone the second brother, in terms of strategic contraction. The Soviet Union contracted itself and collapsed. The United States saw the consequences and insisted on not shrinking in the 21st century, but this is not a hard cap.
problem that can be solved.
The problem will not disappear just because we ignore it. Sooner or later, it will explode. Don't involve the United Kingdom, which is being held hostage, by then.
The two people discussing in the embassy did not know at this time that the Soviets were now preparing to open another front to regain their position, and it was the suggestion of the cultural czar in Alan Wilson's eyes.
Semichasny took a summary of Indonesian affairs and found Xie Leping to report on the current situation in Indonesia.
The relationship between the United States and Sukarno was not harmonious, partly because the United States sided with Britain and was hostile to the Non-Aligned Movement of the Sukarno regime. After all, if loyalty is not absolute, it is absolute disloyalty.
After Indonesian President Sukarno began to implement what he called "guided democracy" reforms, the United States provided arms, including dozens of fighter jets, to Indonesian right-wing soldiers and separatists because of fear of Sukarno's increasingly close relationship with the Indonesian Communist Party.
The main recipients of arms are two different organizations. The first is the revolutionary government of the People's Republic of Indonesia on the island of Sumatra, and the second is the rebel movement based in Manado.
The U.S. government not only provided arms to the two rebel groups, but also sent agents to Indonesia to help the two groups realize their dreams of separatism. The Indonesian side was unaware of the U.S.'s intentions and requested U.S. military assistance, but the U.S. refused.
During the entire process, the Sukarno government had discovered that the United States was the backend of these two organizations.
"What is certain is that Sukarno became alienated from the United States as a result." Semichasny introduced to Shelepin, "It is not that there is no opportunity to expand Soviet influence to Indonesia. In fact, it is quite suitable."
"If we take any action, the United States may take measures to deal with Mossadegh. You also said that the United States provides so-called assistance to the Indonesian military every year. Sukarno knew that the United States was the backend of two separatist organizations, but remained indifferent.
, it can be seen that his political level is not high, or he is too confident in his transcendent status as the father of independence."
"The last person who was so confident was killed by Pahlavi in Tehran."
Shelepin shook his head and said, "This situation is quite dangerous. The most dangerous thing is that Sukarno may still be aware of this danger."
At this time, Shelepin did not know that Fortseva had a list of Indonesian military generals that should be eliminated, and was still worried about how to find an entry point.
While Shelepin was in distress, Khrushchev, First Secretary of the Presidium of the Soviet Central Committee, wrote a personal letter to Kennedy explaining the Soviet Union's position in this crisis.
Soon, Kennedy in the White House received a letter from Khrushchev. At this time, Kennedy showed off Khrushchev's autograph letter in front of the foreign ministers of Britain and France, "Facts have proved that,
Khrushchev can do nothing against our naval blockade."
"If this is the case, there will be room for a peaceful resolution of the matter, which is what our two countries want to see." Rab Butler breathed a sigh of relief, thinking about how to take credit for ending the Cuban Missile Crisis after returning.
, put it on the British mediation this time.
Coincidentally, the French thought so too, but Kennedy did not think so. He did not want these two outdated overlords to use this confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union to enhance their prestige.