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Chapter 1,275 Fierce Quarrel

This was exactly what Brezhnev wanted to hear. Shelepin couldn't have said it better, so he asked again, "That's a good idea. So Schulich, who will invite the First Secretary back? This requires a suitable candidate."

, there is a suitable place for every comrade."

Shelepin looked at Brezhnev in surprise and blurted out, "Ilyich, you are the second secretary. Of course you are the most suitable candidate."

"Me?" Brezhnev's face froze, as if he was afraid of Khrushchev. Just like many people's impression of him, he was malleable, flexible, easy-going, unsteady in his stance, and had inconsistent opinions.

Outstanding, not quick-thinking, unable to change the status quo, recognized as easy to manipulate, able to accept guidance, and leave important matters to experts.

The way Brezhnev behaved at this moment was exactly what most members of the Central Presidium thought he should be like, "What about Ekaterina? She is a woman, so the First Secretary will not be defensive."

Fortseva made great contributions during Molotov's attack, and has since risen to the Presidium of the Central Committee, becoming the most powerful woman in the Soviet Union.

Shelepin had no prejudice against Fortseva, but he shook his head and rejected Brezhnev's suggestion without delay. "It's inappropriate to push a woman out in this way?"

"Then Selest is more suitable. He is the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Ukraine and the First Secretary of the Ukrainian Party Committee. He is trustworthy from Ukraine and has no problem with his qualifications." Brezhnev once again proposed a candidate, who was the most powerful person in the Soviet Union.

Big local leader.

"Tell the truth, Ilyich, you are the only one with this position." Shelepin objected again, "You are the second secretary and a widely trusted leader. You are irreplaceable."

Brezhnev hesitated for a long time, until Shelepin's patience was about to run out, and then he reluctantly agreed, "Okay, Schulich, I understand what the comrades expect of me."

In fact, from the beginning, Brezhnev knew that he could not escape. He personally communicated with most of the people who opposed Khrushchev and used this issue to discuss with Shelepin. He was just testing this issue in his forties.

A strongman in the eyes of senior cadres around the age of 18, Brezhnev could do some things, but he could not take the lead at this time.

The current Central Presidium is very complicated. It can be said that except for that woman Fortseva, the rest of the people are not fighting alone.

Although Brezhnev was the second secretary, he did not have an advantage over other giants. The meeting of the Central Presidium was immediately held without the chairmanship of Khrushchev. This was extremely unusual but reasonable.

Khrushchev is still on vacation on the shores of the Black Sea. How can we use a suitable excuse to allow him to return to Moscow after completing the arrangements here? After all, Khrushchev is nominally the leader of the Soviet Union. If Khrushchev discovers other

The arrangement of people, and the counterattack as the First Secretary will definitely cause great chaos in the Soviet Union. Since the establishment of the Soviet Union, the authority of the No. 1 figure has never been reduced.

Brezhnev seemed to have temporarily retreated, forgetting his promise to Shelepin, and hoped that Podgorny would contact Khrushchev on his behalf. Podgorny simply refused.

He had just given Khrushchev a detailed report on his daily work, and calling him again might arouse Khrushchev's suspicion.

Brezhnev reluctantly dialed the phone. He looked uneasy, his face was pale, and his voice was trembling, and he reported several problems encountered in reorganizing agriculture.

After hearing what he said, Khrushchev said dissatisfiedly: What happened to you? Can't you live a day without me? Okay, let me think about it. Mikoyan is here and I want to discuss it with him.

, call me again in a while.

An hour later, Brezhnev called again and said, "First Secretary, only you have the ability and prestige to make uncontroversial decisions on many issues."

"Okay, I'll fly back to Moscow tomorrow." Khrushchev's voice was still extremely rude, and then the microphone only left a busy tone.

Brezhnev put down the microphone, looked at the members of the Central Presidium present, and nodded expressionlessly, saying nothing.

"Vladimir, prevent things from happening in Moscow." On Lubyanka No. 11, at the headquarters of the Soviet National Security Council, Semichasny listened to Shelepin's familiar voice and nodded, "Leave it to me."

After putting down the phone, Semichasny picked up the phone again and said, "I'm Semichasny. The director of the Ninth Bureau is here. I have something to say to him in person."

The Ninth Directorate is responsible for the security of senior state leaders, ceremonial occasions of the highest order, visits of foreign delegations and Soviet delegations. It protects Kremlin government offices, the Council of Ministers building and other targets, including places far from Moscow.

Targets such as the Black Sea, the Baltic Sea and several other areas fall under their mission.

During the interval between the arrival of the director of the Ninth Bureau, Semichasny went to the Third General Directorate, which is also the department of the General Administration of Military Administration, and issued orders, including the special personnel of the Moscow Military District and the mobilization of troops, even if it was insignificant.

He must be reported immediately; the well-trained officers of the KGB's Ninth Directorate are all ordered to be in a wartime state of full combat readiness.

As a precaution, the reconnaissance force of the Seventh General Directorate cut off the government's dedicated communication line to Khrushchev's sanatorium, citing equipment damage.

In this way, telephone contact with Khrushchev must go through the private exchange in Moscow, so that the contents of all Khrushchev's telephone conversations can be reported immediately to Lubyanka.

Sherest flew to Kiev. He instructed the Second Secretary of Ukraine Soboly to summon the Central Supervisory Commission and alternate members, members of the Central Supervisory Commission working in Ukraine, to Kiev and find an excuse not to allow them to leave. Ukraine supports Heru

Xiaofu was an important force in Khrushchev's comeback when Molotov launched an attack.

After making all these arrangements, Sherest returned to Moscow again, preparing to appear at the Central Presidium meeting and stand on the side of most comrades.

Khrushchev had worked in Ukraine for a long time, and Shelest didn’t know if many people really supported Khrushchev. Once it came to the committee voting stage, if Khrushchev succeeded in making a comeback, with this person

The First Secretary's character would definitely not spare them.

Now in the whole of Moscow, only Furtseva, the great contributor to Khrushchev's last comeback, is idle. She also clearly understands the ins and outs of the matter, but this time, even she can't pull Khrushchev out of adversity.

Out.

Zhukov has stood aside for many years, and no one has the ability to get the military to side with Khrushchev again.

Since the Cuban Missile Years crisis, the military has been deeply disappointed with the First Secretary's performance art.

When Khrushchev's plane landed at the Moscow Government Airport, only one person greeted him. KGB Chairman Semichasny Khrushchev walked down the spiral staircase and asked: "Where have everyone else gone?"

"They are all in the Kremlin!" Semichasny looked at the guard officers behind Khrushchev and replied expressionlessly.

"Take me there." Khrushchev looked puzzled and nodded towards Semichasny, "Comrades, have you had lunch? Should we start discussing now?"

The meeting began immediately. Brezhnev took the lead in speaking. He stood up and criticized Khrushchev. He was extremely disrespectful to comrades and often made ill-considered decisions. It was a mistake to divide the state committee into an industrial state committee and an agricultural state committee.

Wrong, the people do not support this.

"Ilyich, this issue is not my problem alone. It was decided after everyone discussed it together. Why didn't you object before?" Khrushchev loudly rebutted Brezhnev, and then looked at the other people present.

Man, it's a pity that unlike usual, no one spoke for him this time.

First Secretary of Ukraine Sherest, First Secretary of Belarus Mazurov, First Secretary of Georgia Mzavanadze, these are all quite powerful forces in the Soviet Union.

At this moment, they were jointly opposing Khrushchev. Khrushchev had already understood that the person who came was evil. Especially Shelest's accusation made Khrushchev, who usually did not take other people seriously, realize what was going on.

Due to the seriousness of the situation, Ukraine is regarded as Khrushchev’s main support. Many leaders of Ukraine were personally appointed by Khrushchev. Kyiv’s critical attitude towards Khrushchev shows that even Ukraine no longer supports him.

he.

Fortseva, the only female member of the Central Presidium, worked tirelessly seven years ago to help Khrushchev, who was at a disadvantage in the Central Presidium, come back. At this time, the cultural tsar also stood up, "The cultural field is currently dominated by the empire.

This will greatly damage the image of the Soviet Union. The confusion in the ideological field has been used by class enemies. I think the First Secretary should have nothing to refute this issue. The serious consequences have caused the Soviet Union to

A heavy price was paid.”

"I personally apologize for dealing with issues that some comrades attach great importance to." When Fortseva stood up, Khrushchev already understood that this was history repeating itself, and it seemed that this time it was more troublesome.

"We hope that Comrade Khrushchev can deeply realize the mistakes and the huge losses caused to the Soviet Union." Suslov rolled his eyes and said slowly, "Voluntarily leave the current leadership position, and

Retirement will be a mutually acceptable outcome."

"Impossible!" Khrushchev flatly refused. "The Central Presidium meeting at this time does not represent the true views of all Soviet cadres. I am the first secretary elected by all Central Committee members. Only the Central Committee can let me leave.

jobs.”


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