Marshal Montgomery, who had just received the Soviet Victory Medal, was in a happy mood. Indeed, any Allied general was in a happy mood during these days.
They all put aside their political differences and immersed themselves in the long-lost peace. Exchange visits and mutual praise became the theme of that period. Montgomery received the priceless Soviet Victory Medal, as well as various honorary titles awarded by various countries. He was busy
Happy.
But in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' offices in Berlin, Foreign Ministry Secretary Alexander Cadogan was revising the Foreign Secretary's ideas and discussing with his diplomats how to deal with the Soviets and Americans after the meeting began.
"What the Prime Minister means is to use the Soviet-occupied areas of the Yalta Agreement that we occupied to bargain with Stalin." Alexander Cadogan raised a question, and then changed the topic, "But the United States seems not to be prepared to support us."
The current occupation zones of various countries do not completely coincide with the divisions of the Yalta Conference. Generally speaking, the United States and the United Kingdom each occupy a small Soviet-occupied zone. The Soviet Union requires the Western Allies to return the Soviet-occupied zones that are still occupied to the Soviet Union, but
Prime Minister Churchill disagreed.
In Churchill's view, this was the best way to bargain with the Soviet Union, especially before the Potsdam Conference, and it could not be withdrawn. It would not only suppress the Soviet Union's momentum, but also show that Western countries had "zero tolerance" for the infiltration of Eastern forces.
"What does foreign minister mean?" Eful asked the head of the civil service at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
"Of course the Foreign Secretary supports the Prime Minister's resolution!" Alexander Cadogan sighed and said helplessly, "That's what ministers are like. They don't understand diplomatic skills and pay more attention to their own exposure."
"This is not surprising, as long as they don't come out to sabotage the diplomatic results." Alan Wilson, who was taking notes, fidgeted with the pen in his hand and said awkwardly, "Without the support of the Americans, the Prime Minister will occupy the Soviet-occupied area to use
The negotiation can basically be understood as unreasonable. As for the attitude of the Americans..."
"Here!" Aiful took out a stack of documents, flipped through them quickly, and then read in the conference room, "General Eisenhower has stated that as long as the Soviet Union makes a formal request, the U.S. military will immediately withdraw from the Soviet-occupied areas.
land, respecting the divisions of the Yalta Conference.”
"To be more precise, the United States has withdrawn its troops from the Soviet-occupied areas, just after Field Marshal Montgomery's military parade on the 17th." The diplomat sitting in the corner added, "If the Prime Minister wants to occupy a piece of land in the Soviet-occupied areas,
, to force the Soviets to submit, we can only rely on our own strength in the UK."
There was a buzz in the conference room. Everyone was whispering to each other. Alan Wilson tilted his head and said to Alful, "Our British Empire has always betrayed others, and it is rare to be betrayed by others."
"Those country bumpkins are not even as trustworthy as Hitler!" Eiffle said with a gloomy and dissatisfied face. "Hitler's change of attitude is still a process away. Eisenhower did not even notify us and directly withdrew the US troops in the Soviet-occupied areas."
Alan Wilson blinked his eyes, who is to blame? He is better than his master. America, the rebellious son, did not learn from his own father, but now he is using what he has learned on his own father.
"Then this issue will be put aside for the time being!" Alexander Cadogan directly skipped the topic. "Let's talk about the compensation issue proposed by the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union hopes to confiscate the assets of the Soviet-occupied areas in Germany and the corresponding German foreign investments.
Satisfied, what do you think?"
"According to our knowledge, Germany had a large amount of investment before the war, especially in South America. The history of these investments can even be traced back to before the First World War." Alan Wilson replied while turning his pen, "Let's not mention what we will do.
Think about it, Americans have always regarded South America as their own territory, and will they let the Soviet Union take action on Germany’s foreign investments?”
During World War I and World War II, German capital poured into Argentina crazily. Foreign capital occupied an important position in the Argentine economy. Half of the Argentine economy was supported by foreign capital. Before World War I, about half of Argentina's capital reserves were in the hands of foreigners.
The United States was naturally wary of European capital at that time, especially German capital. Before World War II, the competition between the United States and Germany over South America was nothing new.
Now that Germany has been defeated, how can the Americans allow the Soviet Union, which is more difficult to deal with than Germany, to accept German overseas investments?
"If the Americans object to the Soviet Union receiving part of Germany's foreign investment, of course they may not object to all of it, but to the acceptance of investment within the Americas. Then they should offer compensation limited to Germany as a concession," Aiful said.
From an American perspective, I thought about it and said, "It is conceivable that the United States will use part of its share of industrial products from the occupied territories of the United States, Britain, and France as compensation."
The surrounding diplomats nodded in approval upon hearing this, but this was nothing. Compared with the Soviet Union receiving German overseas investment, this was acceptable. Americans wanted the safety of their own backyard and guarded against Soviet influence taking the opportunity to appear in the Americas.
Britain had nothing to lose. It was not before World War I. Since the outbreak of World War I, British investment in the Americas had shrunk, and its position had long been replaced by American investment.
Since there is nothing to lose, of course you can stand on the side of the United States and give the Americans a favor, but you must also ensure that it is not given in vain.
"At present, the views of the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary have been determined, but Marshal Montgomery currently has a good relationship with the Soviets. How should we deal with the issue of the occupied areas or adopt an offensive and coercive posture towards the Soviet Union? It seems that the two sides have different attitudes." Allen
Wilson scratched his head a little, "To be honest, the general election is coming soon. Many things are crowded together, and the work is really arduous."
"In fact, we can all see that Marshal Montgomery's priority is stability for the German citizens in the British-occupied areas. The biggest problem in Germany now is the food problem, and the situation in Berlin is not obvious. In the vast German territory in the west, the food problem
It's very important." Aiful said with some embarrassment, "We can't transport food from China, as this will affect the reconstruction of the country."
There was silence in the conference room, and Alan Wilson raised his eyebrows without anyone noticing. This seemed to be an opportunity, and he said, "Our homeland is an island, and we are not strong in agriculture, but India is an
If you have to transport grain in traditional planting areas, I suggest you think of a way to do it in India."
"Alan is right, the country has also been affected by the war." Upon hearing this, Alexander Cadogan agreed very much with Alan Wilson's method of letting the Indians die first.