Chapter 276 Conquering the Yuan Dynasty (May Day) Civil and Military
It is obviously not easy to convince Li Rusong.
Li Rusong is, at best, self-respecting and self-confident, and at worst, he is arrogant. In a civil society, as a military general, he has to be on an equal footing with civil servants all day long. This seems to be a kind of self-confidence, but in fact it is
Going up is seeking death.
Politics is not war, but it is no less dangerous than war. On this battlefield, the person who decides the outcome is usually the emperor, and the emperor's decision can be expected, because even though the emperor apparently has the highest decision-making power, in fact he
It is still on the battlefield of political struggle.
This is easy to understand. If the emperor himself was not involved in the political struggle, why did Zhu Yijun in the original history play a cold war with the civil servants by not going to court for nearly thirty years?
Since the emperor himself is actually in the middle of a political struggle and cannot escape it, all his actions must comply with some basic laws. For example, he will also be affected by the forces of all parties and must balance the interests of all parties.
To ensure the stability of the imperial power, etc.
This raises a question: Does the current emperor need a civilian group or a military general group more?
Sorry, first of all, this question itself has its own problems: Do generals still have cliques?
It seems that there is, but in the true sense, generals who can lead troops to fight cannot be considered a so-called "group". The military minister system of the Ming Dynasty only has one nominal group, which is the Wuchen Xungui Group - it is a pity that the function of this group
It has degenerated from leading troops in war to almost only having some political endorsement for the emperor.
In addition, it is difficult to say that the generals who actually guard Jiubian and all over the country are worthy of the word "group" no matter what level they are at, because the foundation that supports them as a political group has long been completely destroyed by the civilian group.
At present, they are fragmented, fighting on their own, and have long fallen into a political ecology where they can only survive by relying on powerful civil servants.
What was the basis for them to become a "group" in the past? It was a kind of independence, an independence from civil servants.
To put it simply, when the Governor's Office of the Five Armies still has actual power, the generals will have a certain degree of independence; when the civilian-controlled Ministry of War completely overrides the Governor's Office of the Five Armies in terms of power, the status of the generals will be certain.
It will drop, drop, and drop again, until all military generals become "little so-and-so" of the civil servants.
In the 16th year of Zhizheng in the Yuan Dynasty, after Zhu Yuanzhang led his army to capture Jiqing, he established a Privy Council based on the military leadership system of the Yuan Dynasty to command his officers and soldiers. As his strength increased, Zhu Yuanzhang established the Marshal's Office of the Tongjun Army in Jiqing.
Marshal Wing Mansion was established in important areas to take charge of officers and soldiers in various areas.
"When Taizu came to celebrate, he set up a Privy Council and took charge of it himself. He also set up the Marshal's Mansion to lead the army."
In the 21st year of Zhizheng Dynasty, after Zhu Yuanzhang defeated Chen Youliang in the Battle of Longwan, he abolished the Privy Council and established the Governor's Office. His nephew Zhu Wenzheng was appointed as the Governor to command his soldiers.
"The Privy Council was abolished and the Governor's Office was established. With Zhu Wenzheng as the Governor, he controlled the Chinese and foreign military affairs and established Sima, Army, Experience, Capital Affairs and other officials."
In the 23rd year of Zhizheng, Zhu Wenzheng, who had made great contributions in the Battle of Hongdu, was dissatisfied with Zhu Yuanzhang's failure to reward his merits and plotted to launch a rebellion. Although Zhu Yuanzhang promptly dealt with Zhu Wenzheng after receiving the secret report, he was still determined to eliminate the power of the governor.
There was a hidden danger of being too heavy, so he added left and right governors in the Metropolitan Governor's Mansion.
After the founding of the Ming Dynasty, military power was concentrated in the hands of a few generals in the governor's office. This obviously ran counter to Zhu Yuanzhang's idea of strengthening imperial power, so decentralizing power in the governor's office became his inevitable choice.
Therefore, in the thirteenth year of Hongwu, Zhu Yuanzhang divided the major governor's offices into five governor's offices: the central army, the left army, the right army, the front army, and the rear army. Each office had a left and right governor, each of the same rank. In this way, the five army commanders
The government inherited the supreme military command power of the Metropolitan Governor's Palace and was in charge of all the guards except the Twelve Guards of the pro-army army, but it lost the power to mobilize troops.
Even so, from the 13th year of Hongwu to the 14th year of Zhengtong, the power of the Commander-in-Chief of the Five Armies was still very great. The selection and replacement of generals of the guard station, the training of the soldiers of the guard station, the management of military households and farmland, and the acquisition of military intelligence all affected the Fifth Army.
The Governor's Mansion is in charge. In addition, major military operations related to national security need to be decided after consultation between the emperor and the governors of the Five Army Governor's Mansion.
What does the great power of the Fifth Army Governor's Office mean to the civilian group? Of course, it means that the status of the Ministry of War under civilian control has been reduced. At that time, not only was the Ministry of War not allowed to participate in the deliberations of major military operations, but also the affairs of the Fifth Army Governor's Office
The Ministry of War is not allowed to interfere. In this way, the Ministry of War is actually just the information transmission agency for the emperor to issue troop deployment orders to the Fifth Army Governor's Office.
"The ancestral building of the Governor's Mansion of the Five Armies was not allowed to be heard by outsiders, but the governor's name was printed. Kuang Ye, the former minister of the Ministry of War, asked Gongshun Hou Wu for a list of names. Wu reported it as usual, and Kuang panicked and thanked him."
However, with the sudden death of Xuanzong in the first month of the 10th year of Xuande, the Sanyang Cabinet took advantage of Yingzong's youth and promoted Wang Ji, Minister of the Ministry of War, to the position of commander-in-chief of the Ming army in the Battle of Luchuan. This was the first time that the Ministry of War came into contact with
to real military command.
Under the leadership of Wang Ji, the Ming army confirmed victory in the Battle of Luchuan three times in a row. The civil servants of the Ministry of War, who had always shown themselves to be elegant, fully demonstrated their ability to control wars. However, there were a large number of military generals with outstanding military exploits and titles who were in charge.
The rise of the Fifth Army Governor's Mansion and the Ministry of War still faces many obstacles.
Under such circumstances, the occurrence of the Tumubao Incident provided an excellent opportunity for the rise of the Ministry of War's status.
In the Tumubao Incident, Yingzong was captured and more than half of the 200,000 Ming troops who participated in the war were lost. The backbone of the military generals group was the British Duke Zhang Fu, the Marquis of Taining Chen Ying, the prince-in-law Jing Yuan, the Pingxiang Bo Chen Huai, and Xiang Bo.
City Bo Li Zhen and others, as well as the new forces who had been carefully trained by them, were all killed in the battle.
On the other hand, in the ensuing battle to defend the capital, Yu Qian, the Minister of War, turned the tide almost single-handedly. This left an impression in the minds of the world that civilian officials had to be relied upon at critical moments. Therefore.
After Emperor Jingtai ascended the throne, with Yu Qian as the admiral in charge of the capital camp, the status of the Ministry of War began to rise rapidly, while the power of the Fifth Army Governor's Office began to gradually weaken.
This chapter is not over yet, please click on the next page to continue reading! During the Jingtai period, Zhu Qiyu would discuss with Yu Qian every time there was a major military operation, and the selection and replacement of the generals of the guard station and the training of the soldiers of the guard station were all returned to the Ministry of War and the Fifth Army.
The only power left by the Governor's Office was to manage military household registration and farmland, and the status of the Ministry of War had already risen.
After the restoration of Emperor Yingzong, although he suppressed the Ministry of War by abolishing the regiments and camps set up by Yu Qian and recalling civil servants from all over the world, with the execution of Shi Heng for his evil intentions, the Ming Dynasty finally completely shifted from emphasizing both civil and military affairs to emphasizing culture and suppressing military affairs.
In the Chenghua and Hongzhi years, even the power to manage military household registration was returned to the Ministry of War. The Fifth Army Governor's Office was completely reduced to a department in name only. The various left and right governors in the Governor's Office almost all became in some sense
The gift of officialdom, in name.
"Anyone who is in Beijing and is serving as a military officer outside the country will be given an excellent offer. The Du Si Wei will submit it to the government, and then send it to the Ministry of War for a decision. Afterwards, all the reports will be transferred to the Ministry of War."
The Governor's Office of the Fifth Army and even the emperor himself did not think about struggling. For example, during the Zhengde period, Wu Zong favored the military general Jiang Bin and established two official offices to suppress the status of the Ministry of War. However... Wu Zong died immediately. After all, he
Whether it was "killed" or not, future generations can no longer prove. In short, the result is: all efforts were in vain.
In this way, during the Jiajing period, the remaining power of the Fifth Army Governor's Office to manage military households and farmland was also transferred to the Ministry of Household Affairs. The Fifth Army Governor's Office became a completely dispensable department. The left and right governors of the Fifth Army Governor's Office
It has also completely become an honorary title for military generals. From then on, in all battles, military generals were controlled by governors or governors with the title of Ministry of War. Of course, managers like Gao Pragmatic and the supervisors who appeared later were even better.
.
"All the soldiers and horses in the world are numbered, assigned, relocated and conquered. In the thirteenth year, the governor's office was divided into the governor's office of the five armies. If anyone thought that his rank was as good as before, the military department was moved.
Therefore, their powers are gradually divided. The so-called five governors only keep empty names and imaginary numbers."
From Gao's pragmatic point of view, the decline of the Five Army Governor's Mansion was inevitable. Even if he looked at it from the perspective of future generations, this decline trend itself was inevitable. It was just a matter of time.
In the dynasties after the Qin and Han dynasties, there was no strict distinction between generals and civil servants. What the rulers valued most in their ministers was actually those who were both civil and military. For example, in the Tang Dynasty, there was even a custom that border commanders should serve as prime ministers after they had performed meritorious services. In this case,
, the weakening of the power of the five military governors and the rise of the Ministry of War in the Ming Dynasty would not have caused any problems.
After the Song Dynasty, in order to prevent the emergence of separatist vassal towns, there was a clear division between civilian officials and military generals. However, civilian officials viewed war more from a political perspective, while generals viewed war more from a military perspective.
.However, under the transformation of the civil servants of the Song Dynasty, the training of generals simply emphasized military bravery and despised strategy.
It is precisely because of this situation that problems will arise due to the weakening of the power of the Five Military Governors and the rise of the Ministry of War in the Ming Dynasty.
When civil servants in the Ming Dynasty, like the civil servants in the Song Dynasty, viewed war from a political perspective, an embarrassing phenomenon often occurred when they led military generals to fight: when military generals led troops into battle quickly, they would be accused by the civilian officials of underestimating the enemy and rushing forward, and being brave and bloodthirsty; the generals chose to wait.
If you go to war again when the opportunity is favorable, you will be accused by the civil officials of being afraid of the enemy and avoiding fighting, and supporting the invaders to protect yourself.
In this way, the military generals completely became the war machine of the imperial court and completely lost the initiative in the war. And if the civilian officials leading the military generals had good military qualities, it would be okay. Once the civilian commanders were like Yang Hao, waiting for the Ming army's attack
It can only be a disastrous defeat like Salhu.
The worst thing is that in the original history before the time traveler Gao Pragmatic appeared, in order to prevent the rise of the power of military generals, civilian officials also rejected all suggestions that would help improve the status of military generals - even if the starting point of these suggestions was actually to improve the combat effectiveness of the army.
.
For example, during the Long and Wan dynasties, Qi Jiguang and Yu Dayou both proposed plans to reorganize the Ming army. As a result, most of the suggestions were rejected by civilian officials (a small number of measures that addressed the symptoms but not the root cause were retained, such as Qi Jiguang's rotation training of soldiers from various towns in Jizhen).
For many years), Ming Dynasty missed the last opportunity to improve the combat effectiveness of its army.
Of course, what is even more serious is that the weakening of the power of the Fifth Army Governor's Office and the rise of the Ministry of War has created a new problem: civilian officials despise military generals, and military generals will defy civilian officials. In this case, the civil officials and military generals will be at odds during the war.
It was inevitable, coupled with the poor financial system of the Ming Dynasty, that the result was that tragic defeats like the Songjin War continued to be staged among the Ming army in the late period.
It is precisely due to the weakening of the power of the Five Military Governors and the rise of the Ministry of War that the strange situation emerged in the late Ming Dynasty in which the national military situation was determined by the military literacy of the main leading civilian officials. When civil servants with high military literacy such as Lu Xiangsheng, Hong Chengchou, and Sun Chuanting were
At that time, the military situation in the late Ming Dynasty seemed to be very good. However, when they were killed or captured one after another, the military situation in the late Ming Dynasty suddenly took a turn for the worse, and they eventually perished not long after.
The cause of the demise was of course not just the loss of civil servants who could fight the war. Gao Pragmatic always insisted that financial problems were the primary cause, just as it was recognized by later generations: war is the continuation of politics, and economics is the root of politics.
If a country's economy is in shambles, its politics will inevitably be in shambles, and the war will definitely be "unbearable." But if the economy is strong, even if the country has big problems in war decision-making and war command, the worst-case scenario will be like
Leading Britain to fight a war that was an international laughingstock like the Boer War - although the scene was extremely ugly, it could still win in the end.
This cannot be compared with the fact that "we, the Qing Dynasty," almost always lost every battle against the great powers. Why did the Qing Dynasty still lose when they clearly had an advantage in terms of economic aggregate?
The reason why this is not comparable is that the "economy" mentioned above not only refers to the total amount, but also refers to the advanced degree of the economic structure, the transformation and utilization of economic capabilities, etc. Otherwise, there is no need to talk about Taqing.
It's in the late Ming Dynasty. At the end of the Ming Dynasty, the economic aggregate of the Ming Dynasty was also the same as that of the slaves, right?
Let’s get back to the topic. In short, although national force is the necessary foundation for the existence of any country, civilian government is inevitable for historical development. Otherwise, only **** will occur, which will only lead to disasters both externally and internally.
The ancients understood this truth a long time ago: no matter how big a country is, if it likes war, it will perish; no matter how peaceful the world is, if it forgets to fight, it will be in danger.
Therefore, there is no problem in nature that the power of the civil servant group is greater than that of the military generals. Li Rusong's forced demand to be on an equal footing with civilian officials is problematic. However, there is definitely a problem when civilian officials do not regard military generals as human beings, and the suppression of power is legitimate.
Sex does not mean that personality suppression is legitimate.
The problem Gao Wuchen faces now is that he must ensure strong suppression of Li Rusong in terms of power, but he should not make Li Rusong feel that his personality has been insulted. This is a test of skill.
As for why this matter is important? Of course it is because Gao Pragmatic wanted to use this matter to set a rule and a benchmark for the civil and military disputes in the Ming Dynasty.
People of later generations often say that "first-class companies set standards", so if you change the situation, Gao Wuchen now believes that "first-class ministers set the rules."
A memorial written by Gao Jingshi was sent out in the afternoon of that day and headed towards the capital. This memorial was called "The Victory at the Battle of Lightning Lake and the Essay on the Martial Arts in the Country", and later generations will call it "The Essay"
"Wu Shu".
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PS: In the previous chapters, twenty is called twenty, thirty is called thirty, and forty is called eighty. I know this. When I wrote the fifty-first chapter today, I suddenly froze and thought to myself, what is fifty? Then
After checking it, it seems that fifty is called "婜", but when I looked up the word "婩" separately, it didn't say that it has the meaning of fifty. After thinking about it... I didn't dare to use it randomly. If any readers know, please leave a message and give advice.
