When administrative leaders monopolize administrative power and lack supervision, they will inevitably "privilege" themselves and then become authoritarian. This trend was particularly obvious in the previous stage. Ma Jia does not think that a small circle of a few people has any power to control
problem, but in form we must at least respect the voting rights of the masses. Now we simply throw the masses aside. In a society where the social environment is stable and the rulers have powerful violent machines, this is not a big problem.
It is very dangerous for a group like the Crossing Group, whose dominance is still very weak and requires everyone's cooperation to develop. Let alone a movement like the Maid Revolution, as long as someone engages in non-violent non-cooperation, large-scale sabotage will be a headache for those in power.
To satisfy the people's desire to participate in and discuss politics, there must be a representative organ - the Senate, the Parliament, the House of Lords, no matter what it is called. It is necessary to maintain the stability of a group, and is by no means a simple decoration. It also provides a forum for the public to vent.
And communication channels. The Maid Revolution of the past few days was largely caused by poor communication channels. If the public's information could be conveyed to the executive committee in time, perhaps this movement would not be able to take off.
Parliament holds the power to make decisions on major policies, which is an effective check and balance for the ever-increasing power of the executive branch. As long as the parliament is not reduced to a rubber stamp, the executive branch will not be able to do whatever it wants.
An Xi was talking eloquently: "...the representative body can be said to be the foundation of modern government. A mature modern government must have four parts: the head of state, the representative body, the administrative body, and the judicial body. The representative body is this
The core of everything! It is also the basic source of the legitimacy of the entire government. I propose to adopt the parliamentary prime ministerial system."
"Judging from the reality of our cross-bloc group, it is probably not feasible to establish a presidential system." Dong Shiye agreed, "The head of state must adopt a virtual position system, otherwise it will be difficult for the five hundred people below to be convinced." Everyone will agree.
We are worried that the head of state under the presidential system will use the power he holds to completely become a dictator."
"I have an idea." An Xi said. His suggestion is that the virtual head of state should adopt open qualifications. As long as he is from the public, regardless of age and gender, he can run as a candidate. There is no need to obtain a decisive majority, and a simple half vote is required.
Even if it is legal, the term is short and there is a limit on re-election, this can satisfy the sentiment of most time-travelers that "the emperor will take turns, and he will come to my house next year". Everyone has experienced the addiction of the head of state.
As for the treatment of the head of state, it might be better to set it higher and enjoy the highest level of concierge. Coupled with some special benefits, it is enough to attract many people to be interested in it.
"For example, you can let him choose the trophies first. During the military parade, let him shout, 'Comrades, you have worked hard' or something like that."
"The problem is that even if one person can only work for one year, it will take 500 years for all 500 people to take their turn. Some people will still not be able to enjoy it."
"Conducting a campaign," An Xi is very clever, "it's not about lottery or taking turns. It's a real campaign. Speeches, handing out leaflets, meetings, putting up campaign posters and other means are all open. If you are willing to go through it,
If you are addicted to it, you have to spend your own money to campaign. If you don’t want to, just vote. It’s also a kind of pastime.”
Rather, it is a kind of consumption. Although Ma Jia has a bit of contempt for An Xi, the idea he proposed is very constructive. Running for the head of state will consume a lot of people's energy and money, and it can also satisfy some people's needs.
Vanity, thus achieving the role of internal "maintenance of stability". It is really a beneficial and cost-effective transaction.
In addition to the lack of necessary institutions, there are also some potential problems within the existing system. The first is the status of the executive committee members. The position of chairman of the executive committee seems to be very prominent, but its authority and responsibilities are not clearly defined, making the organization
It seems that Tokuji is just the convener of the meeting. His specific duties seem to be only the Navy's general advisor and the shipyard's advisor. In a sense, President Wen is isolated within the existing system.
Of course, standing aside does not mean losing influence. The smooth passage of Wang Luobin's nomination as the district chief of Sanya Region in the executive committee is very telling - everyone knows that Wang Luobin is a close comrade-in-arms of President Wen, and Wang Luobin was on D-Day
After that, he was an executive committee member without a specific position for a long time. Strictly speaking, he was just an advisor to the Work Capacity Committee. This appointment obviously had a compensatory component.
"That's why he resigned so neatly." Ma Jia thought to himself. He didn't know what happened in the executive committee office building that day, but judging from the reaction of the executive committee members when they came out, it seemed that this movement was not what the leaders expected.
outside.
After linking the previous events and thinking about it again, Ma Jia completely understood: It turned out that the maid revolution was not just a women's issue. In the past, he had only felt it slightly or implicitly.
No wonder the original executive committee showed no interest in the work of the preparatory committee and completely delegated power to themselves and their group of people. It turned out that no one wanted to show up in the reshuffle of this organizational adjustment.
To avoid leaving traces of too deep involvement in the future, wouldn't it be possible to fully demonstrate the "selflessness" and "democracy" of the executive committee members by being led by a neutral, or even someone who has participated in the "opposition"?
In this case, we need to think carefully about how to set up the new organization. It is not just to take out the mature system and copy it. Ma Jia thought, except for this, there is no specific scope of authority.
Apart from the position of chairman of the committee, the biggest hidden danger is that the Planning Commission as a department has too much power. In theory, it is a parallel organization with other committees, but in practice, the Planning Commission controls the distribution of materials.
and project approval power, which greatly enhances Ma Qianzhu’s voice in the entire executive committee, which is only one of the executive committee members. No ministry is not more or less controlled by the Planning Commission. Not to mention, making
Projects such as office buildings and office equipment cannot be approved without the approval of the Planning Commission, nor can they be obtained.
The result of this is that although Ma Qianzhu is only the People's Commissar of Planning, he is equivalent to the Prime Minister without the title of Prime Minister in the entire operation of the Executive Committee. The work of the Planning Committee gradually exceeds its own scope of work. This situation is in
It will greatly improve work efficiency in a short period of time, but it is obviously not conducive to unity. In the long run, when the cross-country group's business becomes bigger, the Planning Committee's all-encompassing approach will inevitably cause organizational expansion and reduce work efficiency.
It is best to decompose the work of the Planning Committee to a certain extent. Set up the position of Prime Minister to be responsible for the overall daily administrative affairs. After discussion, the Preparatory Committee decided to recommend that the political structure discussed at the conference adopt a mature and stable "parliament-prime minister" system.
As the highest authority, the Senate, composed of all the time-travelling people, holds a general meeting every year. The general meeting must be attended by more than 90% of the time-traveling people to be valid.
Everyone was in favor of this plan, but some people were opposed to it.
"This may not work." Ji Xin whispered to his idea.
"What do you think?" Ma Jia looked at this strong man in his thirties with thick eyebrows and big eyes. There was always a hint of sadness in this man's eyebrows. He was not willing to talk on weekdays. But he was the Huadong among the four legal scholars.
For graduates of political science and law, background is very important in the legal circle. Graduates of the East China Political Science and Law major are of course much more valuable than the law majors that many local universities set up unexpectedly after the enrollment expansion. Since Ma Jia is the leader of the law club, naturally
Unable to escape from the vulgarity, I always looked at him differently.
"Of course the parliamentary system is good, but the personnel issues here may be difficult to balance." Ji Xin reminded him.
Ma Jia nodded slightly. The organizational structure is first and foremost a personnel issue, and it was true. He had never discussed these issues in detail with the people in the Law Club. Ji Xin now raised such a sensitive topic with him, obviously he recognized his leadership very much.
This makes the vest feel great.
"If the Governor comes forward to compete for the position of prime minister, he has a good chance of being elected." Ji Xin said, "That's the problem: He was already powerful as the People's Commissar of Planning. Now being prime minister is equivalent to
His power has been justified. I'm afraid some people don't want this."
Ma Qianzhu has been presiding over the work of the Planning Commission for more than a year. He has close working relationships with many professionals and spends a lot of energy. If he runs to become prime minister, seven to eight out of ten votes from all professionals will vote for him.
"It really needs to be taken into consideration. What do you think?" Since the other party had spoken from the bottom of his heart, Ma Jia also showed his sincerity.
"Administrative agencies should still adopt the executive committee system." Ji Xin put forward one of his plans.
Specifically, there is an executive committee composed of 9 people. All administrative affairs of the crossing group are divided into sections and they are responsible for them respectively. Each executive member is responsible for one section. One of them is the chairman of the executive committee and is responsible for the overall situation, and the status is equivalent.
to the head of state.
The people's committee members of various specialized ministries and commissions may attend the enlarged meeting of the executive committee, but they do not have the right to vote.
"As for how to divide these nine blocks, we can slowly discuss and decide. How to divide it will not be a big problem. If you feel that the nine blocks are not enough, you can divide it into 11 or 13 blocks, and the executive committee will be expanded to 11 or 13 people accordingly.
The biggest advantage of adopting this structure is that it can prevent a certain ministry from becoming a dominant one, and it will also prevent the emergence of a strong leader."
In this way, although the Executive Committee still has the position of Chairman of the Executive Committee, it can also create a new position of Prime Minister. However, in the overall structure, the status of these nine people is equal, but they are ranked in order. Executive Committee
The chairman of the committee leads other members and ranks first, but is also subject to the principle of majority submission in decision-making.
"Isn't this the template for the Politburo? The nine-member Standing Committee system."
"It is indeed a reference to this system," Ji Xin said, "but it seems easier to balance it this way. It highlights the collective leadership system. Otherwise, it would be ugly to have a long life and eternal health."
"It makes sense. Collective leadership is always good." Ma Jia nodded and approved the plan. "Hurry up and organize everyone to refine it and write a proposal and send it out immediately!"
In addition to this proposal for a new version of the nine-member executive committee system, the Preparatory Committee has also prepared several other plans - including the traditional parliamentary prime minister system - to be submitted for discussion by the entire public, and will be voted on during the conference.
In addition to the overall organizational structure, Ma Jia believes that the current violent organization of the Time Travel Group has big problems. The current exposure is limited, but in the long run the consequences will be serious.
The Internal Affairs Committee oversees all violent institutions except the military. The Internal Affairs Committee nominally has jurisdiction over multiple departments, covering all aspects of the dictatorship. In actual operations, due to limited manpower, most institutions are operated by several brands and one team.
The General Administration actually takes over everything, including public security, political security, anti-special intelligence, censorship, confidentiality supervision, and even intervenes in the intelligence field that was not originally within its scope. The Intelligence Committee does not have a professional intelligence collection team and mainly relies on a few foreign stations.
The collection of intelligence that is both business and espionage has no sense of existence at all except for conducting intelligence analysis and searching for information from old papers to compile historical references.
The work of the House Committee is highly independent and has the so-called "confidentiality". Apart from the Executive Committee, Ran Yao does not need to answer to anyone, and there is no need to make government affairs public. This lack of restrictions and supervision means that power is highly concentrated.
It is easy for the violent organizations that have become mystified and mystified to create "espionage politics". They even breed a tendency of "cruel struggle" that does not follow principles and only talks about the enemy and ourselves. To a large extent, Dugu's proposal to go into riots in Bairen Town is easy.
embodies this mode of thinking.
Ma Jia feels more at ease with people like Ran Yao and Mu Min. First, their basic character is fine and they have no totalitarian tendencies. Second, people with professional qualities have been immersed in it for a long time, and are well-informed and knowledgeable.
The harmfulness of the tools in hand. However, the Internal Affairs Committee is also filled with many amateurs who have entered this field just because they like words such as "counter-revolutionary", "spy" and "anti-special". They have read a lot of such books.
, their minds are full of the concepts of right and wrong, and many people are still worshipers of totalitarianism, very dangerous worship of figures like Beria and Himmler. As the organization gradually expands, once these people master the various functions of the House Committee
When the authority of the department is limited, it is difficult to say what will be done.
In actual operation, the organs of violent dictatorships often use the method of overlapping and restraining each other to carry out checks and balances. Ma Jia believes that the power of the NKVD should be divided at least once, and multiple different violent organs should be set up to prevent one company from overseeing intelligence and public security.
And the power of internal security. It is best not to grant the post of NKVD, which was once feared in the Soviet Union, to anyone in the cross-border group.
"I think the House Committee can be abolished, and its functions can be assigned to one person from the executive committee. The various departments that were originally affiliated with the House Committee will become independent and no longer have a subordinate relationship with each other." Dong Shiye said.